WorldintheMakingAGlobalHistoryVolumeTwoSince1300-399-434.pdf

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23

Industry and Everyday Life 1750–1900

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World in the Making A n artist from an elite samurai family, K iyochika Kobayashi was so fascinated by technolog y and industry that in 1879 he placed a train front and center in this moonlit scene set in Takanawa Ushimachi, just outside of Tokyo. Earlier portrayed as a slum called Oxtown with garbage strewn about its roads, Takanawa Ushimachi became alluring to this artist, thanks to the arrival of the railroad. K iyochika also introduced such elements as clocks, cameras, electric lighting, and the massive cannons churned out by industry. (Santa Barbara Museum of A rt, Gift of Dr. and Mrs. Roland A. Way, 1984.31.5.)

The Industrial Revolution Begins, 1750–1830

FOCUS What were the main causes of the Industrial Revolution?

Industrialization After 1830FOCUS How did industrialization spread, and what steps did nations and manufacturers take to meet its challenges?

The Industrial Revolution and the WorldFOCUS How did industrialization affect societies in China, South and West Asia, and Africa?

Industry and SocietyFOCUS How did industrialization affect people’s everyday lives and livelihoods?

The Culture of IndustryFOCUS How did writers and artists respond to the new industrial world?

COUNTERPOINT: African Women and Slave Agriculture

FOCUS What contributions did African women agricultural workers make to industrial development?

backstoryAs we saw in Chapter 22, between 1750 and

1830 popular uprisings led to a revolutionary

wave across the Atlantic world. Throwing

off old political systems, revolutionaries

also aimed to unchain their economies by

eliminating stifling restrictions on manu-

facturing and commerce imposed by guilds

and governments. Free global trade advanced

further with the end of British control of the

United States and Spanish control of much

of Latin America. During the same period,

slavery came under attack as an immoral

institution that denied human beings equal

rights and prevented a free labor force from

developing. As Enlightenment ideas for good

government flourished, reformers pushed to

replace traditional aristocratic and monarchi-

cal privileges with rational codes of law. Free

trade and free labor, promoted by enlightened

laws and policies, helped bring dramatic

changes to the global economy, most notably

the unparalleled increase in productivity

called the Industrial Revolution.

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As a seven-year-old in 1799, Robert Blincoe started working in a cotton mill outside the town of Nottingham, in central England. Robert was an orphan, and with others from his London orphanage he was sent to the mill. Orphans were to contribute to England’s prosperity, but it was not certain that Robert would even survive to adulthood. As his group reached the mill, he heard onlookers in the town mutter, “God help the poor wretches.”1 Robert soon found out why. He watched as his fellow child workers wasted away from the long hours and meager food, and he looked on as the orphan Mary Richards was caught up in the machinery: he “heard the bones of her arms, legs, thighs, etc successively snap . . . her head ap-peared dashed to pieces, . . . her blood thrown about like water from a twirled mop.”2 Older workers tortured small Robert, pouring hot tar into a blazing metal bowl and placing it on his head until his hair came off and his scalp was burned. Only when Robert reached age twenty-one, his entire body scarred for life from beatings, was he released from his grim “apprenticeship.”

Robert Blincoe was a survivor of the Industrial Revolution—a change in the pro-duction of goods that substituted mechanical force for human energy. Beginning in Britain around 1750, European factories churned out machine-made products that came to replace more expensive artisanal goods. Agriculture continued to dominate the world economy, but in the twentieth century, industry would outstrip agriculture as the leading economic sector.

Industrialization transformed the livelihoods of tens of millions of people in the nineteenth century. Its course was ragged, offering both danger and advantage. Some like Robert Blincoe were driven into factories where conditions were often hazardous and even criminal. The efficient new weaving machines gave jobs to some, but they impoverished artisans, such as the Indian and European handloom weavers who continued to follow traditional manufacturing methods. Industry influenced agriculture, as factories consumed more raw materials and as the grow-ing number of workers in cities depended for their food on distant farmers, many of them slaves or indentured workers. With the global spread of industry, cultural life echoed the transformation, as writers, musicians, painters, and thinkers de-picted their new societies. W hether a region had comparatively few factories, as in India and South America, or a dense network of them, as in Britain, patterns of work and everyday life changed—and not always for the better, as Robert Blincoe’s case shows.

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The Industrial Revolution Begins 1750–1830

FOCUS What were the main causes of the Industrial revolution?

The Industrial Revolution unfolded first in Britain and western Europe, even-tually tipping the balance of global power in favor of the West. A lthough Britain led in industry, the economies of Qing (ching) China and India were larger until almost 1900, when Britain surpassed them in overall productivity. A burning ques-tion for historians is how, in a climate of worldwide industriousness, Britain had come to the forefront of the great industrial transformation.

The Global Roots of IndustrializationIndustrialization took place amid a worldwide surge in productive activity some-times called the “Industrious Revolution.” Industriousness rose, as people worked longer hours and tinkered to find new ways to make goods, developing thousands of new inventions in the process. In Qing China from the mid-1650s to 1800, produc-tivity increased along with population, which soared from 160 million people in 1700 to 350 million in 1800. The dynamic economy improved many people’s lifestyles and life expectancy and encouraged people to work harder to acquire the new prod-ucts constantly entering the market. Chinese life expectancy increased to the range of thirty-four to thirty-nine years, longer than almost anywhere else in the world, including western Europe, where in 1800 it was thirty in France and thirty-five in Britain. Crops from the Western Hemisphere helped raise the standard of living wherever they were imported and grown, and awareness of such popular Chinese products as cotton textiles and porcelain spread through international trade. Silver

1. In what ways did the

Industrial Revolution

change people’s work

lives and ideas?

2. How did the Indus-

trial Revolution benefit

people, and what prob-

lems did it create?

3. How and where did

industrial production

develop, and how did

it affect society and

politics?

OVERVIEW QUESTIONS

The major global development in this chapter: The Industrial Revolution and its impact on societies and cultures throughout the world.

As you read, consider:

Industrial Revolution  A change in the production of goods that substituted mechanical power for human energy, beginning around 1750 in Britain and western Europe; it vastly increased the world’s productivity.

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flowed into China as Europeans purchased its highly desirable goods. As the nine-teenth century opened, Qing China was the most prosperous country on earth.

Europe, in contrast, produced little that was attractive to foreign buyers, and in the seventeenth century warfare, epidemics, and famine reduced its population from eighty-five million to eighty million. After 1700, however, Europe’s population surged like that of China, more than doubling by 1800, thanks to global trade that introduced nutritious foods and useful know-how. Population growth put pressure on British energy resources, especially fuel and food. With their populations rising rapidly, both Britain and China faced the limits of artisanal productivity and natural resources. The Industrial Revolution allowed the British to surpass those limits (see Map 23.1).

Great Britain: A Culture of ExperimentationW hy did the Industrial Revolution happen in Britain first? A fter all, many regions have the coal, iron deposits, and other resources that went into creating the first modern machines. It was not just resources, however, that propelled Britain to the industrial forefront. The Scientific Revolution had fostered both new reliance on direct observation and deep curiosity about the world. The British and other Europeans traveled the globe, which exposed them to technological developments from other societies. From China, for example, they learned about such imple-ments as seed drills and winnowing machines to process grain. The widely read Encyclopedia, composed in France during the Enlightenment, featured mechanical designs from around the world, making them available to networks of tinkerers and experimenters. The massive expansion in productivity was initially not about theoretical science, but about Britain’s practical culture of trial and error.

Curious British artisans and industrious craftspeople worked to supply the surg-ing population, to meet the shortage in energy due to declining wood supplies, and to devise products that the world might want to buy. “The age,” wrote critic Samuel Johnson, “is running mad after innovation.”3 From aristocrats to artisans, the British latched onto news of successful experiments both at home and abroad. They tinkered with air pumps, clocks, and telescopes. European craftspeople worked hard to copy the new goods imported from China, India, and other coun-tries. From the sixteenth century on, for example, European consumers bought hundreds of thousands of foreign porcelain pieces, leading would-be manufactur-ers in the Netherlands, France, and the German states to try to figure out the pro-cess of porcelain production. They finally succeeded early in the 1700s. Despite inventive activity across Europe, it was England that pulled ahead.

One English innovator who stands out is Josiah Wedgwood (1730–1795), founder of the Wedgwood dishware firm that still exists. Wedgwood developed a range of new processes, colors, and designs, making his business a model for large-scale

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Industrial area, c. 1870–1900

By 1848

1848–1870

Coal deposit

Iron ore deposit

International boundaries, 1900

Industrializationin Europe, c. 1900

Major railroads

10ºW 10ºE 20ºE

60ºN

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MAP 23.1 Industrialization in Europe, c. 1900 Beginning in the workshops of England’s tinkerers, industrialization spread across western Europe to Germany and then to Russia. The presence of raw materials such as coal and iron ore sparked industrial development, albeit unevenly, but so did curiosity and inventiveness. Sweden, for example, lacks mineral resources, so its people harnessed water power to develop electricity.

production. He grew up in a family that produced rough, traditional kinds of pot-tery on a very small scale. As a poor, younger son with an inquisitive mind, he used his bent for experimentation to devise many types of ceramics. Helped by his wife and by the personal funds she invested in the company, Wedgwood kept meticulous records of his five thousand experiments with “china” (so called because Chinese porcelain set the standard for ceramic production). His agents searched the world for the right grade of clay to compete with Asian products, and he copied Asian designs unashamedly. In Wedgwood, the distinctive British culture of artisanal

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experimentation came together with the inspiration provided by global connec-tions; the result was industrial innovation. Wedgwood’s vast fortune and spirit of experimentation passed down to his grandson Charles Darwin, who proposed the theory of evolution.

World Trade and the Rise of IndustryAs population rose across many parts of the globe and as nations fought wars world-wide over trade, global shipping increased to supply people at home and transport far-flung armies and navies. Improved shipping brought grain from North America, wood from Canada and Russia, cotton from Egypt and the United States, and even-tually meat from Australia to wherever industrial growth occurred. Imports and Europe’s own produce fed urban workers. Commodities such as tea, coffee, choco-late, and opium derivatives, which the lower classes were coming to use in the nine-teenth century, helped them endure the rigors of industry. Thus, dense global trade

networks and raw materials produced by workers from around the world were critical to the Indus-trial Revolution and urban growth.

Slaves were also crucial to industrial success. Eleven million Africans captured on the conti-nent were sold into slavery in the Americas, rais-ing capital to invest in commerce and industry. Slaves worldwide produced agricultural prod-ucts such as sugar and rice that enriched global traders. Cheaper foodstuffs cut the expenses of factory owners, who justified low wages by pointing to workers’ decreasing costs for their everyday needs. To clothe their slaves, plantation owners bought inexpensive factory-made textiles pumped out by British machines, though the rising number of slaves in West Africa also pro-duced textiles for nearby markets. In the northern United States, slave ironworkers were put to work building metallurgical businesses, and across the Western Hemisphere slaves’ skills played a crucial role in producing copper and tin as well as cotton and dyes for factory use worldwide. Had free labor alone been used in these processes, some histori-ans believe, the higher cost of raw materials and

Wedgwood China Josiah Wedgwood, the eighteenth-century English potter-turned-industrialist who founded a company still prosperous today, worked day and night to figure out the ingredients, formulas, and processes necessary to make “china”—that is, inexpensive, heat-resistant dishware patterned after China’s renowned but costly and fragile porcelain. Wedgwood copied designs from around the world to brighten his dishware, but he is best known for his “Wedgwood blue” products, which were directly inspired by China’s famed blue-and-white patterns.

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food would have slowed development of global trade and the pace of experiments with factories and machines.

The Technology of IndustryTechnology was a final ingredient in the effort to meet the needs of a growing and increasingly interconnected population. In the eighteenth century, British inven-tors devised tools such as the flying shuttle (1733) to speed the weaving of textiles by individuals working at home. This, in turn, led to improvements in spinning to meet the increased demand for thread created by speedier weaving. The spinning jenny, invented about 1765 by craftsman James Hargreaves, allowed an individual worker, using just the power of her hand, to spin not one bobbin of thread, but up to 120 at once. At about the same time, R ichard Arkwright and partners invented the water frame, another kind of spinning machine that used water power. W hen hand-driven spinning machines could be linked to a central power source such as water, many could be placed in a single building. Thus, the world’s first factories arose from the pressure to increase production of English cloth for the growing global market.

Still another, even more important breakthrough arose when steam engines were harnessed to both spinning and weaving machines. Steam engines could power a vast number of machines, which drew more people out of home textile production and into factories. It was a pivotal piece of technology not just for textiles, but for the Industrial Revolution as a whole. Steam engines were used first in the gold and silver mining industry, then in textile production, and finally in driving trains and steamboats. The steam engine had been invented earlier in China, and was used there and elsewhere to pump water from mines. In 1765, James Watt, a Scottish craftsman, figured out how to make the steam engine more practical, fuel-efficient, and powerful—“cheap as well as good” was how he put it.4 In 1814, British engi-neer George Stephenson placed the machine in a carriage on rails, inventing the locomotive. The first steam-powered ship crossed the Atlantic soon after, in 1819.

The interchangeability of parts was another critical aspect of the Industrial Revolution. The many wars fought for global trade and influence in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries produced rising demand for weapons. By 1790 French gunsmith Honoré Blanc, experimenting with tools and gauges, had pro-duced guns with fully interchangeable parts. This lowered the cost per weapon and made repair possible for merchants and soldiers based in any part of the world. The goal was to “assure uniformity [of output], acceleration of work, and economy of price,” as a government official put it in 1781.5 The idea of interchangeability in weaponry and machinery was crucial to the unfolding Industrial Revolution.

interchangeability of parts A late-eighteenth-century technological breakthrough in which machine and implement parts were standardized, allowing for mass production and easy repair.

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Industrialization After 1830

FOCUS How did industrialization spread, and what steps did nations and manufacturers take to meet its challenges?

One striking feature of industrialization is its unstoppable spread within countries, across regions, and around the world despite resistance to it from threatened workers and fearful rulers. Industrialization brings ongoing efficiencies, which have proven important to meet the needs of a growing global population. From its birth in England and western Europe, entrepreneurs across the continent advanced the industrial system, as did innovators in the United States. Outside of Europe and the United States, thorough industrialization generally did not develop until the twentieth century. Even though industry developed unevenly in different places, it affected the wider world by increasing demand for raw materials and creating new livelihoods.

Industrial Innovation Gathers SpeedThe nineteenth century was one of widespread industrial, technological, and commercial innovation (see Map 23.2). Steam engines moved inexpensive manufactured goods on a growing network of railroads and shipping lanes, creating a host of new jobs outside of factory work (see Lives and Livelihoods: Builders of the Trans-Siberian Railroad).

A lthough craftsmen-tinkerers created the first machines, such as the spinning jenny and water frame, sophisticated engineers were more critical to later revolu-tionary technologies. In 1885 the German engineer Karl Benz devised a gasoline engine, and six years later France’s Armand Peugeot constructed the first auto-mobile. Benz produced his first car two years later in 1893. A fter 1880, electricity became more available, providing power to light everything from private homes to government office buildings. The Eiffel Tower in Paris, constructed for the Inter-national Exhibit of 1889 and for decades the tallest structure in the world, was a monument to the age’s engineering wizardry; visitors rode to its summit in electric elevators, its electric lights ablaze.

To fuel this explosive growth, the leading industrial nations mined and pro-duced massive quantities of coal, iron, and steel during the second half of the cen-tury. Output by the major European iron producers increased from eleven million to twenty-three million tons in the 1870s and 1880s alone. Steel output grew even more impressively in the same decades, from half a million to eleven million tons. Manufacturers used the metal to build more than one hundred thousand locomo-tives that pulled trains, transporting two billion people annually.

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Highly industrialized region

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Highly industrializedEuropean nationsBELGIUMFRANCEGERMANYLUXEMBOURGNETHERLANDSUNITED KINGDOM

IndustrializingEuropean nationsAUSTRIA-HUNGARYITALYPORTUGALSPAINSWEDEN

MAP 23.2 The Spread of Railroads, c. 1900 The spread of railroads throughout the world fostered industrialization because it required tracks, engines and railroad cars, and railway stations, which were increasingly made of iron, steel, and glass. Railroads generated economic growth beyond the building of trains and tracks, however. Entire cities grew up around railroad hubs, which attracted new migrants—not just hard-working builders but also professionals and service workers—to fill the needs of the growing population.

Historians sometimes contrast two periods of the Industrial Revolution. In the first, in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, innovations in textile ma-chinery powered by steam energy predominated. The second, in the later nineteenth century, concentrated on heav y industrial products and electrical and oil power. This was the pattern in Britain, but industrialization was never so neat elsewhere: textile factories and blast furnaces were built simultaneously, and small workshops grew faster than the number of factories. Livelihoods pursued at home—called outwork—persisted in garment making, metalwork, and such “finishing trades” as metal polishing. In fact, factory production fostered “industriousness” more than ever, and factory, small workshop, and home enterprise have coexisted ever since.

Industrial innovations in machinery and chemicals also transformed agricul-ture. Chemical fertilizers boosted crop yields, and reapers and threshers mech-anized harvesting. In the 1870s, Sweden produced a cream separator, a first step toward mechanizing dairy farming. Wire fencing and barbed wire replaced more labor-intensive wooden fencing and stone walls, allowing large-scale cattle- raising. Refrigerated railroad cars and steamships, developed between the 1840s and 1870 in several countries, allowed fruits, vegetables, dairy products, and meat to be trans-ported without spoiling, increasing the size and diversity of the urban food supply.

outwork A method of manufacturing in which raw or semifinished materials are distributed to households where they are further processed or completed.

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LIVES AND LIVELIHOODS

Builders of the Trans-Siberian RailroadA xes, saws, and wheelbarrows—these were the tools that built the greatest railway project ever un-dertaken. Stretching across Siberia from Moscow in the west to V ladivostok on the Sea of Japan (see again Map 23.2), the scale of the trans-Siberian railroad was enormous by any measure: miles laid (fifty-seven hundred), earth moved (one hundred million cubic yards), rail installed (more than one hundred million tons), and bridges and tunnels constructed (sixty miles). Because this remote wil-derness lacked roads, the endeavor was difficult and expensive. Except for lumber, all supplies needed to be transported. Cut stone for bridge supports and gravel for the railbed came from quarries some-times hundreds of miles away. Ships carried steel parts for bridges thousands of miles across the seas, from Odessa on the Black Sea to V ladivostok. In winter horse-drawn sleds and in summer horse-drawn wagons transported material to the work sites. Cut through forests, blasted through rock, raised over rivers and swampy lands, the project was completed in nine sections over thirteen years from 1891 to 1904.

Hundreds of thousands of manual laborers did the work. At the height of its construction, the trans-Siberian employed as many as ninety thou-sand workers on each of its original nine sections. Many were recruited by contractors who scoured Russian cities and villages for hefty men. Prison-ers and soldiers were forced to work on the project.

Around the large work sites, the army and police stood guard to prevent disruption as the grueling, dangerous labor progressed. The government set up state liquor stores near work camps to appease la-borers in their off-hours.

Getting the job done quickly and cheaply was the government’s top priority. Worker safety was of little concern, and casualties were many among the unskilled workforce. Cutting through forests to lay rail and dynamiting through hills to construct

Convict Railroad Workers in Siberia, 1895 The tsarist government of Russia mobilized hundreds of thousands of workers to build the trans-Siberian railroad, the main line of which took thirteen years (1891–1904) to complete. Convicts provided essential manpower, and this image shows their housing and living conditions. The labor entailed moving mountains of soil and rock and bringing in lumber and iron track, all without benefit of machinery and in the harsh Siberian climate.

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tunnels took thousands of lives. The anonymous dead lived on only in poetry:

The way is straight, the embankment narrow,Telegraph poles, rails, bridges,And every where on both sides are Russian

bones—. . .Brothers! You remember our reward!Fated to be strewn in the earth.1

The only apparent safety precaution was forbidding prisoners to work with explosives.

Minister of Finance Sergei Witte maintained that the railroad would make Russia the dominant global market in the world: “The silk, tea, and fur trade for Europe, and the manufacturing and other trade for the Far East, will likely be concentrated in Moscow, which will become the hub of the world’s transit movement,” he predicted.2 Long after the line’s completion, the trans-Siberian railroad pro-vided good jobs for railway workers in Siberia. In

settlements along the rail line, business thrived, and cities such as Novosibirsk provided scores of new opportunities for service workers supporting rail-road personnel.

The trans-Siberian railroad did indeed trans-form the livelihoods of the empire as a whole. The government sent some five million peasants from western Russia to Siberia bet ween 1890 and 1914. The massive migration was intended to extend Russian power across the empire’s vast ex panse. The government designated millions of acres of land— populated at the time by nomadic A sian foragers and herders—for Russian, U k rainian, and Belorussian settlers. Russian bureaucrats hoped that as the peasants intermingled w ith in-digenous peoples, the non-Russian ethnic groups would become “Russianized ” even as they lost hunting lands and pasturage that were the basis of their livelihoods. The population of Siberia soared w ith the influ x of farmers. Russia would never be the same.

Questions to Consider

1. W hat jobs were needed to construct the trans-Siberian railroad, and how were workers treated? 2. How did the railroad affect livelihoods other than those directly connected with its construction? 3. How would you balance the human costs of building the railroad with the human opportunities it

created? 4. W hat changes did the trans-Siberian railroad bring to Russia?

1. Nicholai Nekrasov, quoted in J. N. Westwood, A History of the Russian Railways (London: George A llen and

Unwin, 1964), 33.

2. Quoted in Stephen G. Marks, Road to Power: The Trans-Siberian Railroad and the Colonization of Asian Russia, 1850–1917

(London: I. B. Tauris, 1991), 117.

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Challenges to British DominanceOther countries began to narrow Britain’s industrial advantage. The United States in-dustrialized rapidly after its Civil War (discussed in Chapter 24) ended in 1865, and Japan joined in after 1870. Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico gained industries at varying rates between 1870 and 1914, producing textiles, beer, soap, cigarettes, and an array of other products. In Argentina, the introduction of cigarette-rolling machinery allowed the National Tobacco Company’s twenty-eight hundred work-ers to turn out four hundred thousand cigarettes per day by the end of the 1890s. In the same decade, its leading textile company produced 1.6 million yards of cloth annually. Industry—if not full-scale industrialization—circled the globe.

Two countries in particular began to surpass Britain in research, technical education, innovation, and growth rates: Germany and the United States. Germany’s burst of industrial energy occurred after its states unified as a result of the Franco-Prussian War of 1870–1871 (discussed in Chapter 24). At the time, Germany took the French territories of A lsace and Lorraine with their textile industries, mineral deposits, and metallurgical factories. Investing heavily in research, German businesses began to mass-produce goods such as railroad stock and weapons and spent as much money on education as on its military, helping Germany’s electrical and chemical engineering capabilities soar.

A fter its Civil War, the United States began to exploit its vast natural resources intensively, including coal, ores, gold, and oil. The value of U.S. industrial goods vaulted from $5 billion in 1880 to $13 billion in 1900. W hereas German accom-plishments relied heavily on state promotion of industrial efforts, U.S. growth depended on innovative individuals, such as Andrew Carnegie in iron and steel and John D. Rockefeller in oil. As the nineteenth century came to a close, Britain struggled to keep ahead of its industrial competitors.

Industrialization in JapanBetween 1750 and 1850 merchants, peasant producers, artisans, and even samurai warriors laid the foundation for Japan’s industrialization. They engaged in brisk commerce, especially with the Asian mainland. Japan exported its sophisticated pottery—some two million pieces to Southeast Asia alone in the first decade of the nineteenth century—and it imported books, clocks, and small precision imple-ments, especially from China. Trade within Japan increased too. Businessmen and farmers produced sake, silk, paper, and other commodities for internal consump-tion. Japan’s roads were clogged with traffic in people and goods (see Seeing the Past: Japan’s Industrious Society). The samurais—the traditional warrior class—were what we might describe as underemployed after two centuries of peace under the Tokugawa Shogunate (see Chapter 20). To occupy their time, some samurais

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studied the new findings in science and engineering coming from China and Europe and experimented with electricity or created important devices such as thermometers that helped improve silkworm breeding. Merchants were also an economic force. As in Europe, they supplied peasant families with looms and other machines for spinning and weaving at home. The inventive Japanese were more than ready to take advantage of Western machinery when the opportunity arose.

Japanese innovators craved Western-style mass production, beginning with tex-tiles, guns, railroads, and steamships. It had become clear that, as one Japanese administrator wrote in 1868, “machinery is the basis of wealth.”6 A lready, Western ships seeking access to Japanese ports and trade had flaunted the power of their own industries. In 1853 U.S. Commodore Matthew Perry steamed into Edo (now Tokyo) Bay and demanded diplomatic negotiations with the emperor. Some samu-rais urged resistance, but senior officials knew how defenseless the city would be against naval bombardment. The next year Perry signed an agreement on behalf of the United States under which Japan would open its ports on a regular basis.

Both individual Japanese people and the government were motivated in good part by the desire to learn the skills that would allow them to protect Japan through industrial prosperity and military strength. Inventors adapted European mechani-cal designs, using the country’s wealth of skilled workers to make everything from steam engines to telegraph machines. The state sent delegations to Europe and the United States with the goal of “swiftly seizing upon the strengths of the Western industrial arts,” as the minister of industry wrote in 1873.7 By the early 1870s the reformed central government known as the Meiji Restoration (see Chapter 24) had overseen the laying of thousands of miles of railroad and telegraph lines, and by the early twentieth century the country had some thirty-two thousand factories, many of them small; fifty-four hundred steam engines; and twenty-seven hundred machines run by electricity. Japan industrialized using an effective mixture of state, local, and individual initiatives based on a foundation of industriousness. This combination eventually led to Japan’s central role in the world economy.

Economic Crises and SolutionsEven as some nations industrialized, the process brought uneven prosperity to the world and seesawing booms and busts, especially in the second half of the nine-teenth century. Because global trade bound industrialized western Europe to international markets, a recession—by today’s definition, a period of negative eco-nomic growth lasting six months or longer—could simultaneously affect the econ-omies of such diverse regions as Germany, Australia, South A frica, California, Argentina, Canada, and the West Indies. At the time, economists, industrialists, and government officials did not clearly understand the workings of industrial and

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SEEING THE PAST

Japan’s Industrious SocietyFamed Japanese artist Ando Hiroshige

(1797–1858) is best known for his prints of nature

and for his several series about work life in

early-nineteenth-century Japan. In these works,

Hiroshige combined his great printmaking skills

with knowledge of Dutch and other Western art.

The exchange went

both ways, as Western

artists borrowed from

Hiroshige in return.

Impressionists were

especially drawn to his

focus on daily life and

his vibrant use of color.

Later, Hiroshige’s serial

method and drawing

technique influenced

the creators of comic

strips.

Hiroshige depicted

the many livelihoods

of Japan in some of

his works. In particular

he showed commercial life on the road to Edo (now

Tokyo), the capital of Japan, before it industrialized.

The road is clogged with busy people loaded with

goods and supplies, demonstrating the “industri-

ous” economies that laid the essential groundwork

for full industrialization.

Examining the Evidence

1. W hat attitude toward work comes through in this print?

2. How does it contrast with the attitude displayed in the document on page 866 by Mexican women workers?

Hiroshige, Nihon-bashi, from the series Fifty-Three Stations on the Tokaido (Road to Tokyo)

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interconnected economies. W hen a stubborn recession struck in the 1870s, lasting in some places for decades, they were stunned.

One reason for the recession of the 1870s was the skyrocket-ing start-up costs of new enterprises. Compared to steel and iron factories, the earliest textile mills had required little capital. A fter midcentury, industries became what modern economists call capital-intensive rather than labor-intensive: to grow, companies had to buy expensive machinery, not just hire more workers. This was especially true in developing countries such as those in Latin America, where the need to import machinery and hire foreign technicians added to costs.

Second, increased productivity in both agriculture and indus-try led to rapid price declines. Improved transportation allowed the expanding production of meat and grain in the United States, Australia, and Argentina to reach distant global markets rapidly, driving down prices. W heat, for example, dropped to one-third its 1870 price by the 1890s. Consumers, however, did not always benefit from this persistent decrease in prices, or deflation, because employers slashed wages and unemployment rose during economic downturns. W hen this occurred, consumers just stopped purchas-ing manufactured goods, driving the economy further downward.

Thus, a third major reason for the recession was undercon-sumption of manufactured products. Industrialists had made their fortunes by emphasizing production, not consumption. “Let the producers be many,” went a Japanese saying, “and the consumers be few.”8 This attitude was disastrous because many goods were not sold, and the result was that prices for raw materials collapsed globally. People lost their land, jobs, and businesses.

In response to these conditions, governments around the world took action to boost consumption and control markets and prices. New laws protected innova-tion through more secure patents and spurred development of the limited-liability corporation, which protected investors from personal responsibility, or liability, for a firm’s debt. Limited liability greatly increased investor confidence in financ-ing business ventures. As prices fell in the 1870s and 1880s, governments broke any commitments they had made to free trade. They imposed tariffs (taxes) on im-ported agricultural and manufactured goods to boost sales of domestic products. Latin American countries levied tariffs that were some five times those in Europe. Without this protection from cheap European goods, a Mexican official predicted, new industries would “ be annihilated by foreign competition.”9

0

0 200 Kilometers

200 Miles

Sea ofJapan

PACIFICOCEAN

TokyoKanazawa

Osaka

Nagasaki

Kyoto

Industrializing Japan, c. 1870–1900

RailroadIndustrialized area

JAPAN

KOREA

RUSSIANEMPRE

QINGEMPRE

Industrializing Japan, c. 1870–1900

limited liability Legal protection for investors from personal responsibility for a firm’s finances.

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Business people also took steps to end the economic turmoil. They advanced the development of stock markets, which financed the growth of industry by selling shares or part ownership in companies to individual shareholders. In an international economy linked by telegraph, telephone, railways, and steamships, the London Stock Exchange was a center of this financial activity. At the same time, firms in single industries banded together in cartels to control prices and compe-tition. One German coal cartel founded in 1893 dominated more than 95 percent of coal production in Germany. Thus, business owners deliberately blocked open competition to ensure profitability and economic stability.

Another way to address the economic crisis was to add managerial expertise. In the late 1800s, industrialists began to hire others to run their increasingly complex day-to-day operations—a revolutionary change in business practices. A genera-tion and more earlier, factory owners such as R ichard Arkwright had been directly involved in every aspect of the business and often ran their firms through trial and error. Now, separate managers specializing in sales and distribution, finance, or purchasing made decisions. The rise of the manager was part of the emergence of a “white-collar” service sector of office workers, with managers (generally male) at the high end of the pay scale and secretaries, file clerks, and typists (increasingly female) at the low end. Armies of white-collar employees channeled the flow of information to guide industry.

A final solution to the economic crisis was the development of consumer capital-ism, to remedy the underconsumption of manufactured goods at the heart of the recession. The principal institution for boosting consumption was the department store, which daring entrepreneurs founded after midcentury to promote sales. Department stores gathered an impressive variety of goods in one place, in imita-tion of the Middle Eastern bazaar and the large Asian merchant houses, and they eventually replaced many of the single-item stores to which people were accus-tomed. Buenos Aires alone had seven major department stores, among them Gath y Chaves (GOT e shah-VEZ), which by 1900 had grown to occupy a multistoried building of thirteen-thousand-plus square feet, and which tripled its space five years later. From the Mitsui family in Tokyo to the Bloomingdales in New York, entrepreneurs set up institutions for mass consumerism.

Just as factories led workers to greater productivity, these modern palaces aimed to stimulate more consumer purchases. Luxury items like plush rugs and ornate draperies spilled over railings in glamorous disarray. Shoppers no longer bargained over prices; instead they reacted to sales, a new marketing technique that could incite a buying frenzy. Department stores also launched their own brands: Gath y Chaves began a line of ready-to-wear clothing, recognizing that busy urban workers no longer had time to make their own. Stores hired attractive salesgirls,

stock market A site for buying and selling financial interests, or stock, in businesses; examples include the London and Hong Kong stock exchanges.

cartel A group of independent business organizations in a single industry formed to control production and prices.

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another variety of service worker, to lure customers to buy. Shopping was not only an urban phenomenon: glossy mail-order catalogues from the Bon Marché in Paris and Sears, Roebuck in the United States arrived regularly in rural areas to help farmers buy the products of industry. Department stores encouraged urban and rural shoppers alike to participate in the global, indus-trial marketplace.

The Industrial Revolution and the World

FOCUS How did industrialization affect societies in China, south and West asia, and africa?

Industrialized Western nations pulled ahead of the once-dominant economies of China, India, and the Ottoman Empire, despite the real wealth that some local merchants, landowners, and entrepreneurs cre-ated for themselves. Like Japan, other nations in the early nineteenth century were often unwilling to trade with Europe, which was widely seen as both uncivilized and a source of inferior goods. Even an English man, commenting on the high quality of a shawl from India, agreed: “I have never seen a European shawl I would use, even if it were given to me as a present.”10 This atti-tude led Europeans and Americans alike to use threats of violence to open foreign markets because their pro-ductivity demanded outlets for manufactured goods, their factories needed raw materials, and their industrial workers depended on foreign food and stimulants.

The Slow Disintegration of Qing ChinaA prime example was Qing China—the wealthiest and most productive country in the world on the eve of the Industrial Revolution—which enjoyed prosperity be-cause of the silver flooding in to buy its cottons, porcelains, and other coveted items (see Map 23.3). Revolutionary upheavals in the Americas and the Napoleonic Wars in Europe suddenly stopped the flow of silver and curtailed trade, eating away at the

Gath y Chaves Department Store The first department stores, such as this one in Buenos A ires, A rgentina, were built to resemble palaces and present the possibility of luxury to everyone. By assembling an array of goods once sold in individual small stores, the department store was revolutionary because it focused on increasing consumption rather than driving production, as industry had done. The first department stores were the direct ancestors of today’s megastores and Internet shopping.

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120ºE110ºE100ºE

0

0 250 Kilometers

250 Miles

Sea ofJapan

YellowSea

EastChinaSea

SouthChinaSea

Taiwan(Japan)

Hainan

Yangzi

R.

Yello

w R.

Amur R.

Xi R.

LakeBaikal

JAPAN

QING EMPIRE

RUSSIAN EMPIRETANNU

TUVA

SIAM

Vladivostock

Beijing

Port Arthur( Japan)

Dandong

Qingdao(Ger.)

Fuzhou

AmoyKunmingGuagzhou(Canton)

Hong Kong(Gr. Br.)

Macao(Port.)

Zhanjiang(Fr.)

Kalgan

Taiyuan

Nanjing

Changsha

Shanghai

Ningbo

Trans-Siberian railro ad

KOREA( Japan)

MANCHURIA( Japanese in�uence)

BURMA(U.K.)

FRENCHINDOCHINA

(Fr.)

AMUR(ceded to Russia, 1858)

Qing Empire, 1911

Territory ceded to Russia,by 1911

Area of Taiping Rebellion,c. 1840–1864

Main area of porcelainproduction

Chinese

Russian

British

Japanese

French

German

Qing China, 1830–1911

Major trade goods

Railroads, by 1911

Co�on clothIron products

PorcelainTea

British a�acks of the FirstOpium War, 1839–1842

Treaty port, opened 1842

Treaty port, opened1858–1911

40ºN

30ºN

Tropic of Cance

r

20ºN

MAP 23.3 Qing China, 1830–1911 Qing officials knew that opium was dragging China’s people into addiction, but the resulting Opium War with Britain to restrict the supply only made matters worse. Led by the British, Europeans forced open Chinese ports, destroyed historic Chinese cities, and helped create uprisings such as the Taiping Rebellion.

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source of China’s wealth and strangling job opportunities. On world markets, imi-tation European goods began to compete with Chinese products, and social unrest erupted among the affected workers. Commercial rivalry soon turned to war.

Europeans had grown dependent on a variety of products from India and China, especially tea. The five chests of tea Europeans had purchased annually in the 1680s had soared to more than twenty-three million pounds annually by 1800. With nothing to sell in exchange, this meant a severe trade imbalance for Europe, whose cheap but inferior textiles were rejected by Chinese consumers. By the 1820s, however, the British had found something the Chinese would buy—opium. Grown in British- controlled India, opium was smuggled into China, where it was illegal. So great was the demand for the illegal drug in China that even after buying tea the British smugglers turned a hand-some profit. China’s big payout in silver for ille-gal drugs caused a drain on its economy; Chinese officials also worried about growing addiction. A Chinese government official commanded the British to surrender their opium, as the British government sent a fleet to China to keep the ille-gal drug market open.

In the Opium War (1839–1842) that followed, Western firepower won decisive victories, and with the 1842 Treaty of Nanjing, China agreed to pay the British an indemnity (or fine), allow British diplomats access to the country, open five ports to trade, and reduce tariffs. W hile illegal opium made fortunes for British merchants, the Opium War made life difficult for Chinese work-ers. During the conflict, many lost their jobs, while a severe postwar depression was compounded by floods and famines between 1846 and 1848. In the late 1840s peasant religious leader Hong Xiuquan (hung she-o-chew-on) built a follow-ing among the underemployed and unemployed. Hong had failed to get the career he desperately wanted—a place in the prestigious Chinese civil service. As Hong failed successive attempts to pass the required exam, he fell feverishly ill and had religious visions that convinced him he was the brother of Jesus.

Weighing Opium in India Opium grown in India went mostly to the Chinese market, though some found its way to Europe through Middle Eastern middlemen. Opium cured headaches, sleeplessness, and general aches and pains, but consumers in both Asia and Europe also welcomed the euphoric feeling of well-being the drug created. Many people became addicted, among them such famous Western artists as novelist Sir Walter Scott, poet Elizabeth Barrett Browning, and composer Hector Berlioz. British merchants and the British government, however, were concerned not with addiction but with sales and profits.

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By 1850, Hong’s preaching of his version of Christianity had attracted some twenty thousand disciples. Hong’s social message promised a better future: he pro-moted work for all, equality of the sexes, and communal living, which appealed to hard-pressed ordinary people. It emphasized industriousness: “The diligent hus-bandman will be rewarded and the idle husbandman punished.”11 Like some of the Christian missionaries now entering China, Hong asked his followers to give up alcohol and opium and reject oppressive customs such as foot binding as first steps toward a perfect society—the Heavenly K ingdom of Peace, or Taiping Tianguo. His armies of rebels set off across the country, ultimately gathering millions more adherents (see again Map 23.3). To most Chinese, economic distress was evi-dence that their rulers had lost “the Mandate of Heaven”—that is, their political legitimacy. The Taiping Rebellion accelerated the crisis of the Qing government, already weakened by the Opium War. At this critical juncture, however, the move-ment’s leaders began to quarrel among themselves and adopt a lavish lifestyle, which weakened the rebellion. The imperial militia, aided by U.S. military know-how, ultimately defeated the Taiping in 1864. Hong himself died that year in the final siege of Nanjing. In the end, some sixty million Chinese died in the slaughter.

The lesson learned by some intellectuals and officials was the value of Westerniza-tion, by which they meant modernizing the military, promoting technological educa-tion, and expanding industrialization. This led in the 1870s to the opening of mines and the development of textile industries, railroads, and the telegraph. However, the Dowager Empress Cixi, who had seized power during the uprising, zigzagged be-tween maintaining imperial control of the government and modernization projects. It was unclear which impulse would triumph.

Competition in West and South AsiaBy this time the Ottoman Empire was the longest lived modern empire. It had prof-ited from wide-ranging trade as well as its extensive system of textile manufacture—one so far-reaching that Europeans, A fricans, and Asians had long coveted its silks, dyes, fine cottons, and woven rugs. Western industrialization changed the balance of trade. As prices for textiles and thread dropped, artisans spinning and weaving at home suffered, working longer hours just to earn a living wage. Textile manufac-turing had traditionally been done in the home during winter to provide income during the agricultural off-season. These artisanal ways persisted, but in the last third of the nineteenth century some carpet factories were established across the Ottoman lands. Young unmarried girls, who were less expensive to hire than men and worked for just three or four years (that is, long enough to earn a dowry to attract a husband), replaced lifelong artisans. The Industrial Revolution left many Ottoman subjects, in the words of a British traveler, “ragged beyond belief.”12

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Although the Industrial Revolution hurt craftworkers glob-ally, it boosted the fortunes of other workers. A fter 1815, the ruler of Egypt, Muhammad Ali, set his subjects to mastering the industry’s “strange machinery,” and he eventually exempted workers in silk factories from service in the army.13 Ottoman merchants prospered, as did owners of large estates who could send cotton and other agricultural products to markets around the world on railroads and steamships. New jobs opened up: in 1911 there were thirteen thousand railroad workers in the empire, and thousands more had helped construct the lines. In the Ottoman Empire, regional rulers such as Muhammad Ali who recognized the need for modern skills founded engineer-ing schools and expanded technical education. The Industrial Revolution opened opportunities for some even as it made life more difficult for others.

W hen Europe’s cheap, lower-quality textiles flooded world markets, including those of the Indian subcontinent, the cut-rate competition hurt India’s skilled spinners, weavers, and dyers. Furthermore, Britain taxed the textiles Indian craftsmen produced, tilting the economic playing field in favor of British goods. Even so, as in the Ottoman Empire, some in India’s lively commercial economy adapted well. In Bengal between the 1830s and 1860s, entrepreneur Dwarkanath Tagore teamed up with British engi-neers and officials to found raw silk firms, coal mines, steamship companies, and an array of other businesses that made his family fabulously wealthy. India’s first textile factory opened in Bombay in 1853, and by 1914 India had the fourth-largest textile industry and the fourth-longest railway system in the world. Yet the coming of in-dustry hurt artisanal families, sending many to farm in the countryside and others to the new jute factories (where jute, a native plant fiber, was processed into rugs, baskets, and other consumer items). As a result, some in India grew more rural as the West became more urban.

Besides textiles, India exported such manufactures as iron, steel, and jute products. Entrepreneurs such as Jamsetji Tata competed globally, founding a dynasty based first in textiles, then in iron and steel, and continuing in the twentieth century with airplanes and software. Yet British officials and merchants filled their pockets by im-posing high taxes and taking more than their share of the region’s prosperity. More-over, although the British improved the Indian infrastructure—building the rail system, for example—the benefits of such improvements made it easier to extract and then sell India’s agricultural goods on the world market to the profit of the very few.

0

0 300 Kilometers

300 Miles

ArabianSea

Bay ofBengal

INDIANOCEAN

Sri Lanka(Ceylon)

NEPAL

INDIA

TIBET

Calcu�a

Karachi

Delhi

MadrasCalicut

Bombay

Lahore

BENGAL

Industrializing India, c. 1857–1900

Railroad, c. 1900Textile center, c. 1857

Industrializing India, c. 1857–1900

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A New Course for AfricaIndustrialization had long-term consequences for A frica as well. During the nineteenth centur y, the Atlantic slave trade declined due to mounting pro-tests against slaver y and the growth of more profitable economic activities. As Denmark (1803) and Britain (1807) abolished the international slave trade, power in West A frica shifted to Muslim jihadis there who would not deal with European slavers, overthrew those rulers who did, and themselves built huge plantations in West A frica.

Since the Enlightenment, abolitionists had called for an end to the slave trade and to slaver y itself. The antislaver y message, crafted by blacks themselves and by white religious leaders, invoked Christian morality and the ideas of natu-ral rights that had shaped the revolutions in the Atlantic world. In England, former slaves were eloquent participants in the antislaver y movement, which expanded in the early nineteenth centur y to include international conferences. A s the trade in humans was progressively outlawed, abolitionists worked to end slaver y completely, a goal achieved in the Western Hemisphere in 1888 when Brazil became the last countr y in the A mericas to outlaw it. Even after 1888, however, slaver y continued in many parts of the world, including A frica and A sia (see Map 23.4).

The rationale for ending slavery had an economic dimension, and many mer-chants, financiers, and workers supported the abolitionist movement. The price of slaves had risen during the eighteenth century, so the use of slaves became more expensive. Some plantation owners recognized that it was more profitable if A fricans worked in A frica to produce raw materials such as palm oil and cotton. Factory workers supported abolition because they regarded slaves as cheap com-petition in the labor market. Free labor became a widely accepted ideology in in-dustrial areas.

The decline of profits from the Atlantic slave trade threw some A frican elites into economic crisis. Many quickly adapted, simply moving the slave trade south to supply markets in Brazil. Slavers arriving in some A frican ports learned to load ships and depart in some one hundred minutes to escape British surveillance. In the course of the nineteenth century, even as Europeans worked to abolish the trade, approximately 3.5 million slaves were taken from West A frica alone to sell in the Atlantic world and as large a stock was enslaved to work on A frican planta-tions, making goods for local markets but also providing raw materials for global manufacturing. The jihadi rulers expanded slavery within West A frica, waging war and kidnapping to capture non-Muslim or non-observant Muslim slaves for their own use. For fear of enslavement, “One could not go to another town’s sector of the market without being led by an armed elder,” one Nigerian man recalled.14

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0

0 440 Kilometers

440 Miles

ATLANTICOCEAN

INDIANOCEAN

Mediterranean Sea

Red Sea

Zanzibar

São Tomé(Port.)

MadagascarRéunion

Mauritius(Fr., then Gr. Br.)

Limpopo R.

Zanbezi R .

Congo R.N

iger R.

LakeVictoria

O�NGEFREE STATE

T�NSVAAL

ETHIOPIA

DARFUR

MORO

CCO

BORNU

WADAI

SPAINPORTUGAL

ITALY

ITALY

F�NCE

GERMANYUNITEDKINGDOM

O�OMAN EMPIRE

S a h a r a

Cape Town

Mombasa

(Egypt)

(O�oman, underBritish control)

(Fr.)(Fr.)

(Boer)

(Boer)CAPECOLONY

MOZAMBIQUE

ANGOLA

SUDAN

EGYPT

TUNISIA

OMAN

ALGERIA

European slave routeArab slave trade routeAfrican regime engagedin slave tradeMajor source of slavesMajor slave trade part

Africa, 1750–1880

CacaoCo�eeCo�onDiamondsFruitGoldMeat

Palm oilRubberSilkSugarTimberTobaccoWool

Trade goods, c. 1890British

French

German

Italian

Portuguese

Spanish

European colony,c. 1890

�e slave trade, to 1860

20ºE 40ºE 60ºE

20ºN

40ºN

0º

20ºS

Equator

Tropic of Capricorn

Tropic of Cance

r

0º

MAP 23.4 A frica, 1750–1880 A frican leaders built their wealth by selling captured warriors and civilians from neighboring states into slavery. A fter Great Britain abolished slavery in 1807, A frican business people continued the trade from different locations but also kept their captives for themselves to provide raw materials for Western industrialists.

Many historians believe that the expansion of slavery to profit from commod-ities for industrialization condemned A frica to underdevelopment. West A frica, one British traveler noted in the 1830s, “is disorganized, and except in the immedi-ate vicinity of the towns, the land lies waste and uncultivated.”15 Industrialization had far-reaching consequences worldwide.

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Industry and Society

FOCUS How did industrialization affect people’s everyday lives and livelihoods?

W here industry took hold, livelihoods changed and new social classes emerged. In industrialized cities, people were less and less self-sufficient, and old social ar-rangements declined. At first, the two growing social groups, workers and man-ufacturers, lived side by side because the first factory owners were themselves often modest artisans who personally put their inventions to work. As industry ad-vanced, however, workers and industrialists were divided into increasingly distinct social classes, with manufacturers and wealthy merchants coming to challenge the privileges of entrenched aristocracies.

The Changing Middle ClassBefore the Industrial Revolution, traders around the world had formed a middle class, sandwiched between the aristocrats and the peasants and serfs. Now most factory owners joined this middle class. Unlike aristocrats, early industrial inno-vators often led frugal lives full of hard work, and they tried to ensure that their children and others did too. The Tagore family in India thrived on its efforts, lead-ing Dwarkanath Tagore’s son to refuse charity to a beggar-priest: “I shan’t give you money . . . you are able to work, and earn your bread.”16 W hile early businessmen directed the factories or went on distant sales trips, their wives often tended the accounts, dealt with subcontractors, supervised workers (especially if they were female), and organized shipments of finished goods. As manufacturers grew pros-perous, they became society’s leaders, building large houses, consuming a few luxuries, and removing their wives from factory supervision. These middle-class women lived what historians term a “cult of domesticity” that signaled a family’s prosperity. Modern economic leaders have collectively been called the bourgeoisie, a French term for the middle-class groups at the center of the Industrial Revolution.

With the march of industry, public monies often funded increasingly costly sci-entific research, as part of the state’s commitment to building national wealth. The middle class grew to include professionals with empirical knowledge beneficial to industrial society, such as doctors, lawyers, professors, and journalists—all of whom drew on the scientific method and objective analysis in their work.

Prosperous men of the evolving middle class founded a range of societies and clubs to create solidarity and foster the exchange of knowledge. In Japan in 1876, the city fathers of Kanazawa opened an industrial museum to spread technical

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knowledge among the public. Wealthy citizens around the world worked to improve city life. “Reserve large areas for football, hockey, and parks,” Indian industrialist Jamsetji Tata advised urban renovators. “Earmark areas for Hindu temples, Mohammedan mosques, and Christian churches.”17

Well-to-do women banded together to pro-vide baby clothes for newborn children and other goods to impoverished workers. Indian reformer Savithribai Phule, married at age nine, joined her husband in aiding the lowest-caste “Untouchables,” despite mounting criticism and threats of violence against her. She founded schools for the girls of the Untouchable caste, claiming to feel “immea-surably happy” with her volunteer work.18 As in-dustrialization and rapid urban growth disturbed centuries-old ways of life, these institutions, in the words of one English official, promoted “the protec-tion of their [industrialists’] property” by reducing worker misery and uniting the middle classes against those with “anti-social and rev-olutionary principles.”19

The New Working ClassW hile the middle classes enjoyed increased comfort and prosperity, industrial work-ers led lives governed by the machine, the factory whistle, and eventually the time clock of the office or department store. Initially, many industrial workers, whether in the United States, Japan, Britain, or Argentina, were young, unmarried women whose families no longer needed them on farms, which now took fewer hands to run. Factories were magnets, offering steady wages and, often, supervised living quarters. Women and children were paid less than men, reducing labor costs but providing jobs far preferable to round-the-clock domestic service as maids. A fter her husband died in 1910, the Mexican widow Marcela Bernal del Viuda de Torres left her young sons to live with relatives and took her two daughters to Mexico City to find work for all three in its thriving factories. As Marcella said when explaining the move to her daughters, “I’m sure not going to let you end up as maids.”20

The worker’s day was often long, grueling, and unsafe, as Robert Blincoe wit-nessed firsthand. In 1844 England limited women’s work to twelve hours per day, but in Japan men and women worked fourteen to seventeen hours a day even late in

A n East Indian Middle-Class Family Sometime in the late nineteenth century, this middle-class family donned their best clothes and sat for this formal portrait. The father may have worked for the British government or been an independent merchant or factory owner. This family wore fashionable Western clothing, although some of the women adapted their outfits by adding elements of the traditional sari to their dress.

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the century. Machines lacked even minimal safety features, leading to amputated limbs, punctured eyes, torn-off scalps, and other crippling injuries. A Japanese observer described cotton workers in urban factories as “pale and exhausted with faces like invalids” and “young girls with the lifeblood sucked out of them.”21

Workers’ health deteriorated in many cities: the lure of industrial work swelled urban populations to the breaking point and made cities, as one critic put it, “a too fertile source of disease.”22 There was not enough housing, and sanitary facilities were almost nonexistent. Europe’s cities were usually surrounded by medieval walls, which limited their natural expansion, and humid factories nur-tured disease. Epidemics of tuberculosis, pneu-monia, and deadly cholera erupted, as happened, for example, in the camps housing thousands of Indian railroad builders. In its early days, indus-try’s human costs were clear.

Many people resisted the introduction of labor-saving machines that threatened their live-lihoods. Some handicraft workers—notably the Luddites (named after their leader, Ned Ludd)—attacked whole factories in northern England in 1812 and smashed the menacing new machines. In the countryside, day laborers left threatening notes for those who introduced threshing ma-chines: “[W]e will burn down your barns and you in them this is the last notis.”23 The British govern-

ment mobilized its armies, executing many and sending large numbers to populate Australia and New Zealand—which industrialized in turn.

Under the older values of city life, artisans mutually supported one another, but as rural folk migrated to cities in search of industrial jobs, workers were often strangers to one another. Between 1820 and 1840 the Russian government of Poland deemed that Lodz would become a textile center, for example, and thousands of migrant work-ers from the countryside quickly moved there. Chinese migrated to the Caribbean to service the sugar industry, and South Asians took their commercial and other skills to East Africa. Single young people or migrating widows in India lived beyond the reach

Child Labor in Britain A lthough the exploitation of children is still a feature of industrialization, the use of child labor by early industrialists was especially harsh, as this late-nineteenth-century illustration of children at work in the mines demonstrates. A fter these children were lowered side by side into claustrophobic conditions, they faced the rough job of physically hauling carts of coal out of the mines through narrow passageways. Like their adult counterparts, they suffered from coal dust and extremes of heat and cold. A fter parliamentary hearings on mine work, children’s work and that of women who worked in and near the mines were regulated.

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of their families and community networks. Prostitution soared, along with sexually transmitted diseases and illegitimacy. Thus social connections in local communities broke down, as did the sense of rural time. No longer did sunrise and sunset deter-mine the beginning and end of the workday. Now the clock set the hours for work, as factory whistles signaled the start of the workday, while stopwatches timed the pace of work. Industrialists imposed heavy fines on anyone late by even a minute. With alcohol a prominent feature of life in a world where there was no safe water or milk supply, however, drunkenness sometimes undermined the strict discipline industri-alists hoped to impose.

The Sexual Division of LaborIndustrialists and manufacturers followed the tradition of dividing work along gender lines; the division was generally arbitrary. In some factory towns the weavers were all men, and women performed some processes in finishing the woven cloth. In other places, women tended the looms, and men only repaired and maintained the machines. Women’s work in factories, even though it might be identical to men’s, was said to require less skill; it always received lower pay. Men dreaded the intro-duction of women into a factory, which could signal that the owner intended to save on wages by cutting men’s jobs. W hereas a husband’s independent identity as hand-loom weaver or shoemaker was a proud if threatened one, his wife or daughters often became factory workers, earning the extra income that financed his independence.

The majority of women, both unmarried and married, worked to support their families or themselves. Factory owners and supervisors often demanded sexual favors from women as the price of employment. “Even the decent jobs, for exam-ple, those in banks,” one Russian woman complained, “are rarely available unless one first grants favors to the director, the manager, or some other individual.”24 It was normal for supervisors to select one favorite woman, take her as a mistress, and then fire her once he tired of the relationship. Domestic service, which expanded with the rising prosperity of the middle class, saw many a housemaid fall victim to fathers and sons in middle-class families. If these sexual relations became known, the women would be fired, and pregnant servants quickly lost their jobs. This is why Marcela de Torres feared for her daughters.

The new white-collar sector advanced the sexual division of labor. Cost- conscious employers looking for workers with mathematical, reading, and writing skills gladly offered jobs to women. Since respectable lower-middle-class women had few other employment options, businesses in the service sector, as in the fac-tories, paid women much less than men for the same work. A ll sectors of the indus-trial economy perpetuated the idea that women were simply worth less than men and should receive lower wages (see Reading the Past: Mexican Women on Strike).

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The Culture of Industry

FOCUS How did writers and artists respond to the new industrial world?

Writers, artists, and ordinary people alike responded to the dramatic new sights and unexpected changes of industrialization. The railroad and expanded trade spread local customs, contributing to the development of national cultures. In

READING THE PAST

Mexican Women on StrikeAs industrialization progressed, factory workers

increasingly responded to the harsh conditions of

industrialization by organizing unions and banding

together to strike. They directed their demands to

factory owners and government officials, and they

sought support from their fellow citizens. For in-

stance, in 1881, women cigarette workers in Mexico

City wrote a letter to a magazine for elite women in

which they suggested that poverty might lead them

to prostitution. At the same time, women cigar

workers posted this placard around Mexico City to

explain their strike against the factory owners.

Oppression by the Capitalist!

Until October 2, 1881, we used to make 2185

cigars for four reales [Mexican money], and now

they have increased the number of cigars and low-

ered our salary. On October 3, 1881, through the

mediation of El Congreso Obrero [The Congress of

Workers], we agreed to make 2304 cigars for four

reales. It is not possible for us to make more. We

have to work from six in the morning until nine at

night. . . . We don’t have one hour left to take care

of our domestic chores, and not a minute for edu-

cation. The capitalists are suffocating us. In spite of

such hard work, we still live in great poverty. What

are our brother-workers going to do? What are the

representatives of the Mexican press going to do?

We need protection, protection for working women!

Source: Susie S. Porter, Working Women in Mexico City: Public Discourses and Material Conditions, 1879–1931 (Tucson:

University of A rizona Press, 2003), 80.

Examining the Evidence

1. W hat major concerns do the women announce in this placard?

2. To what specific groups is the placard addressed? W hy did the strikers single out these groups?

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Japan, for example, sashimi and sushi, once known in only a few fishing towns, became popular dishes across the nation. Technological improvements helped knowledge flourish: gas lighting extended reading deep into the night, for exam-ple, and railroads exposed more travelers than ever to distant scenes. Increased productivity eventually led to more leisure time, and streams of workers entered cafés, dance halls, and parks to enjoy their new free time. Such changes in everyday life led to a torrent of cultural reflections on the dramatic new industrial world.

Industry and ThoughtIn some, industry inspired optimism. For such thinkers, the rational calculation and technological progress that had produced industry suggested that a perfect society could be created. A group of French and British thinkers, the “utopian so-cialists,” spread this faith around the world. Their goal was to improve society as a whole, not just for the individual—hence the term socialism. They believed that rational planning would lead to social and political perfection—that is, to utopia—and to prove their point they often lived in communes where daily life could be as precisely organized as it was in the factory. The inefficient nuclear family became obsolete in their communes, where large numbers of people worked together to finish necessary tasks efficiently. Shunning monarchs and leisured aristocrats, utopian socialism valued technicians and engineers as future rulers of nations.

Two middle-class German theorists—the law yer and economist Karl Marx (1818–1883) and the wealthy industrialist Friedrich Engels (1820–1895)—de-vised a completely different and globally influential plan for organizing society. Sharing the utopian socialists’ appreciation of science, they saw the new industrial order as unjust and oppressive. In 1848 they published The Communist Manifesto, which became a rallying cry of modern socialism. Marx elaborated on what he called “scientific socialism” in his most important work, Das Kapital (Capital), published between 1867 and 1894.

Marx held that the fundamental organization of any society rested on the re-lationships developed around production. This idea, known as materialism, was that a society’s structure was built on the class relationships involved in produc-ing the goods that sustained life. These relationships were those between serf and medieval lord, slave and master, or worker and factory owner. Marx referred to these systems—feudalism, slavery, and capitalism, respectively—as modes of production. In the industrial era, people were in one of two classes: the workers, or proletariat, and the owners, or capitalists (also the bourgeoisie, in Marxist terms), who owned the means of production—the land, machines, factories, and other productive instruments. Rejecting the eighteenth-century liberal focus on individual rights, he held that the cause of the inequality between classes such as

socialism A social and political ideology dating from the early nineteenth century that stresses the need to maintain social harmony through communities based on cooperation rather than competition; in Marxist terms, a classless society of workers who collectively control the production of goods necessary for life.

utopian socialism A goal of certain French and British thinkers early in the nineteenth century, who envisioned the creation of a perfect society through cooperation and social planning.

materialism In Marxist terms, the idea that the organization of society derives from the organization of production.

capitalism A n economic system in which the means of production—machines, factories, land, and other forms of wealth—are privately owned.

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the proletariat and the capitalists was the owners’ control of the means of produc-tion, which yielded profit. W hen capitalist control disappeared, as Marx was cer-tain it would, a classless society of workers would arise.

Economic liberals such as Adam Smith thought the free market would ultimately produce a harmony of interests among people in all classes of society. In contrast, Marx believed that the workers’ economic oppression by their bosses inevitably caused conflict. He predicted that workers would unite in revolt against their cap-italist exploiters and bring about fundamental change worldwide. The proletariat would overthrow capitalism, and socialism would reign. The moment for revolt, Marx thought, was near. “The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. . . . WORK-ING MEN OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE!” So ends The Communist Manifesto.

Marx believed that a classless society would involve workers’ control of production in large factories. In a socialist society, the end of private ownership of the means of production would in turn end the need for a state, whose only function, Marx claimed, was to protect wealthy people’s property. Like many male intellectuals, Marx devoted little analysis to inequalities based on race and gender. He did conclude, however, that women’s lives would automatically improve under socialism. The possibility of achieving Marxist socialism inspired workers around the world down to the present.

Industry and the ArtsThe new industrial world also inspired artists. Some celebrated industry, welcom-ing the influences from far-off places. Japanese woodblocks showed trains racing through a countryside of cherry blossoms. Hiroshige’s prints depicting roads teem-ing with working people inspired Western artists to turn from mythical topics and great historic scenes to the subject matter of everyday lives. Deeply influenced by the color, line, and delicacy of Japanese art as well as by its focus on ordinary life, French painters such as Claude Monet pioneered the artistic style known as “im-pressionism,” so called for the artists’ effort to capture a single moment by focusing on how the ever-changing light and color transformed everyday sights. Industry contributed to the new style as factories produced products that allowed Western painters to use a wider, more intense spectrum of colors.

Other Western artists interpreted the Industrial Revolution differently, focusing in-stead on the grim working conditions brought about by wrenching change. One was Germany’s Käthe Kollwitz, whose woodcuts realistically depict starving artisans. British author Charles Dickens wrote of the dark side of industrialization in popular novels that reached even a Japanese audience. Among them was Oliver Twist (1837–1839), which many scholars speculate was based in part on the life of Robert Blincoe. Uncle Tom’s Cabin (1852), U.S. writer Harriet Beecher Stowe’s shocking tale of slave life in the American South, influenced some in the Russian nobility to lobby for freeing the serfs.

proletariat Under capitalism, those who work without owning the means of production.

bourgeoisie  Originally a term meaning the urban middle class; Marx defined it as the owners of the means of production under capitalism.

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CO U N T ER P O I N T: Af r i c a n Wo m e n a n d S l ave A g r i c u l t u r e

Even musical forms showed the impact of the Industrial Revolution. Utopian socialists composed music celebrating the railroad and the sounds of indus-try. Concert halls, like factories, became bigger to accommodate the increasing urban population, and orchestras included more instruments to produce a mas-sive sound. Military bands marched through the widening streets of capital cities. Their increasing precision and noise matched that of the new machines and the precise movements of the industrial workers tending them.

COUNTERPOINT: African Women and Slave Agriculture

FOCUS What contributions did african women agricultural work-ers make to industrial development?

The story of the Industrial Revolution often centers on individual inventors and the labor-saving machinery they pioneered. Entire groups, however, many of them anonymous and uncelebrated, piloted advances critical to industrialization. A good example comes from A frica, which many regarded as a continent full of unskilled people; this perspective justified both the enslavement of and discrim-ination against all people of color. A fricans, however, were foremost among the collective innovators of their day.

Women and Farming in AfricaMany of these unnamed inventors were women, who have dominated A frican farming both as cultivators of their own land or as slaves. Women’s agricultural labor supported A frican life. W hen they married, women received land to provide for themselves and their children. Free and slave women alike could themselves own slaves to increase their agricultural productivity. As farmworkers, women served as a counterpoint to independent and free male factory workers, peasants and large landowners alike. In A frica it was women, either as independent farmers or more usually as slave laborers, who introduced new varieties of seeds, new tools for farming, and more productive farming techniques. Today it is estimated that A frican women grow some 80 percent of all agricultural produce on the continent.

On the west coast of A frica, although men participated in some aspects of rice farming, rice cultivation was known as “women’s sweat.” Women developed com-plex systems for cultivating the important rice crop, especially a variety called “red” rice. To control water supplies, they installed canals, sluices, and embankments, depending on whether they were capturing water from rain, tides, or floods.

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They reaped bountiful harvests through this manipulation of the environment, experimenting with new seeds and plant varieties.25

Women Slaves in the North American SouthLandowners in South Carolina and Georgia prized West A frican slave women, considering them “choice cargo” because of their knowledge of rice cultivation. In fact, it was slaves from West A frica who established the “red” rice variety as a preferred crop on American plantations and provided the initial technological systems for growing it. This rice was so important to the U.S. South’s developing commercial economy that Thomas Jefferson, for one, sought more information about it. Its main advantage, he learned, was that if cultivated according to A frican techniques of water management, it could be grown outside of swamps. The more usual practice of cultivating rice in standing water “sweeps off numbers of the in-habitants with pestilential fevers,”26 according to Jefferson, so a growing system that eliminated the threat of disease was advantageous.

Nayemwezi Women Pounding Sorghum, 1864 As industrialization advanced around the world, women in A frica were central to its agricultural foundation, as this drawing shows. They planted, weeded, and harvested major crops such as sorghum, a grass whose kernels were pounded into flour and whose stalks were pressed to produce a sweet syrup. Sorghum is native to A frica, and there is evidence that slave women brought it, along with rice and other crops, to the Western Hemisphere.

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The first African rice to be widely grown in North America was fragile, demanding special skills that planters such as Jefferson usually lacked. In contrast, West African women possessed an extensive knowledge of this and other forms of agriculture and passed this knowledge down through their families. Slavers added these women to their cargo along with unhusked rice and many other plants and seeds. When they arrived in the Western Hemisphere, the technological knowledge to grow them moved from Africans to Europeans, not the other way around. In this regard West African women farmers form a counterpoint to the celebrated inventors of machines. Although they have been overlooked in history books, they created wealth for their owners, most of whom in the early days of rice cultivation were adventurers with little knowledge of how to grow these crops. Their story of the introduction of rice to North America, the perfection of other seeds, and the complex technology of irrigation and processing that helped feed a growing global workforce—industrial and otherwise—has seemed less heroic than that of an individual who invented one labor-saving machine.

ConclusionThe Industrial Revolution changed not only the world economy but the lives and livelihoods of tens of millions of people, from workers and manufacturers to the politicians facing rapidly changing societies. By replacing simple machines oper-ated by human energy with complex machines powered by steam engines, mech-anization expanded productivity almost beyond measure. The results were both grim and liberating. Industrial laborers such as child mill worker Robert Blincoe suffered abuse, and the flow of cheap goods from industrial countries drove down prices and threw artisans around the world into poverty. Slavery not only flour-ished but made the advance of industry possible. Unsung slave women spread the cultivation of numerous plants, including rice, to help feed the growing population of workers worldwide. The new patterns of work in large factories transformed the rhythm of labor and the texture of urban life, and cities grew rapidly with the influx of both local and global migrants. Political ideas and the arts also changed with the rise of industry and the continuing expansion of global trade. Movements to end slavery and to create free workers succeeded in Europe and many parts of the Western Hemisphere.

Debate continues about whether industry was a force for good, but even oppo-nents have appreciated that industry liberated people from the hardships of rural life and provided them a wider array of useful goods. The middle and working classes that developed with industrialization led different lives even within the same industrial cities, but they were often caught up in another global movement

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of the time—the development of the political form called the nation-state. As we will see in the next chapter, nation-state and empire were forms that accompanied the rise of industry and ushered in further complexity to the modern era.

reviewThe major global development in this chapter: The Industrial Revolution and its impact on societies and cultures throughout the world.

Important Events

c. 1750 Industrialization begins in Great Britain

1769 James Watt creates the modern steam engine

1780s–1790s Interchangeability of parts developed in France

1803 Denmark becomes the first Western country to abolish the slave trade

1814 George Stephenson puts a steam engine on a carriage on rails, inventing the locomotive

1819 First Atlantic crossing by a steamship

1839–1842 Opium War between China and Britain

1840s–1864 Taiping Rebellion in China

1842 Treaty of Nanjing opens Chinese ports

1848 Communist Manifesto published

1853 U.S. ships enter Japanese ports

1865 U.S. Civil War ends, rapid U.S. industrialization begins

1868 Meiji Restoration launches Japanese industrialization

c. 1870–1900 Deep global recession with uneven recovery

1871 Germany gains resource-rich Alsace and Lorraine after defeating France

1890s Argentina’s leading textile manufacturer produces 1.6 million yards of cloth annually

1891–1904 Construction of trans-Siberian railroad

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M a k i n g C o n n e c t i o n s

KEY TERMS

bourgeoisie (p. 868)capitalism (p. 867)cartel (p. 854)Industrial Revolution (p. 841)

interchangeability of parts (p. 845)limited liability (p. 853)materialism (p. 867)outwork (p. 847)

proletariat (p. 868)socialism (p. 867)stock market (p. 854)utopian socialism (p. 867)

CHAPTER OVERVIEW QUESTIONS

1. In what ways did the Industrial Revolution change people’s work lives and ideas?

2. How did the Industrial Revolution benefit people, and what problems did it create?

3. How and where did industrial production develop, and how did it affect society and politics?

MAKING CONNECTIONS

1. How did the Scientific Revolution (see Chapter 19) and the Enlightenment (see Chapter 22) contribute to industrialization?

2. How did industrialization in the United States and in Japan differ, and why?

3. W hat was the role of slavery in industrial development?

4. In what ways was the Industrial Revolution a world event?

For further research on the topics covered in this chapter, see the Bibliography at the end of the book.For additional primary sources from this period, see Sources for World in the Making.